Wednesday, August 16, 2017

'Kakkoos' Screening , Aug 13 - 2017 , Milpitas , California



Manual Scavenging is manifestation of Untouchability

Article 15 states that The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only ofreligion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them.  Article 17 mentioned about Abolition of Untouchability. "Untouchability" is abolished and its practice in any form is forbidden. The enforcement of any disability arising out of "Untouchability" shall be an offence punishable in accordance with law. Many caste Hindus tend to ask where is untouchability in practice. Dr. B.R Ambedkar, “Those who raise this point do not seem to make a distinction between Untouchability as a touch-me- not-ism and Untouchability as a mental attitude manifesting itself in social discrimination. . . You cannot untwist a two-thousand-year-twist of the human mind and turn it in the opposite direction.”

The problem of untouchability what we are dealing now is ‘a mental attitude manifesting itself in social discrimination’. Wouldn’t be insane NOT see manual scavenging is a caste problem where 98% of the people doing this are Dalits. Last April we have organized a hall meeting to deliberate on suicides taking place in higher educational institutes followed by Muthukrishnan’s suicide in JNU. We’ve learned that out of 25 students committed suicides since 2007 23 are Adivasis and Dalits. Will it be fair NOT to see caste as a reason for such suicides where SCs represent 13.5% in the higher education and STs with 4%, together 17.5% and suicide rate is 90%!

This documentary has shown that how sanitation workers got some of their demands met by hitting the streets. In such situation, the general public like us should stand with the them with the right understanding that it’s predominantly a caste issue. Without such understanding the seriousness of this issue can’t be manifested. Despite this is a caste issue it can be eradicated by uniting the people across the castes. Ambedkar in his very famous speech in Mar 1956 make a call, “It is your duty to carry on a united struggle for removal of educational, economic and social inequality.

Proportional Representation is a Fair Representation

Bhasha Singh has rightly defined the problem of manual scavenging as ‘the most distorted form of untouchability’ and it’s still continuing thanks to lack of political will of the Indian politicians. She has gone a step further and argued that even Dalit representatives are helpless in this issue.

The important question is who has elected these Dalit representatives and importantly how. They are elected in the joint electorates by the-first-past-the-post method. Main demand of Dr. Ambedkar to free the Dalits and Adivasis from the caste discrimination is by winning them the political power. Working on this agenda Dr. Ambedkar is able to win separate electorates as part of communal award from the British on 17th August 1932. Round tables conference that took place between 1930 and 1932 led to such award. Mahathma Gandhi agitated by this award went for fast, in fact fast-unto-death that resulted in Poona Pack signed on 24th September 1932. The hard won political right of separate electorate is betrayed by Gandhi. Ambedkar regretted for the same and tried to push it through the Constituent assembly without success. As a compromise , primary elections were introduced in the reserved constituencies where SCs will vote for the SC candidates and elect the top 4, these top 4 will contest in the joint elections. Candidates from the Ambedkar’s party came 1st overwhelmingly in the primary BUT defeated in the main election. Reason is obvious that non Dalits are NOT ready to vote for more assertive Dalit candidates. How unfair it’s to give the power to the non Dalits to elect a Dalit representative! which Ambedkar deals with an example from Greek’s Plebian consul in the annihilation of caste.  Gandhi was assassinated by a Hindu terrorist on Jan 30th, 1948. If we only blame Mahathma Gandhi for this it’d be a mistake because he died in 1948 and if the congress had a political will it’d have abolished the pact and granted separate electorates. Now things are different after 85 years.

 The question is whether the-first-the-past method itself a fair representation? Is it a good method for democratic representation? There are oppositions from the different political parties. To study this matter, the government of India set up a commission and the commission submitted a report on Reform of the Electoral Laws.

Excerpt From the report:

1.3.2.1.  Another consideration in this behalf was that the first-past-the-post  (FPP)  system  now  in  vogue  is  not yielding a correct picture of the voter  preferences.    In other words, there is no commensurability between the total votes cast in a State or in the country, as the case may be, and the seats obtained by the parties.  To be more precise, what is happening is that a political party which has received, say, 32% of the total votes case in the country is obtaining 70% of the seats in Parliament, whereas another political party which has polled, say, 29% of the votes, is getting 25% of the seats in Parliament.  A `swing' of 2 to 3 per cent votes is resulting in a huge difference in the number of seats won.

1.3.3.2.  There was yet another situation where a political party is polling a substantial chunk of votes cast in a given State in parliamentary elections but is not able to get a single seat in the Parliament from that State.

After a, thorough analysis it’s recommended for the proportional representation and recommend the GoI to start with 25% additional seats to the parliament and the state assemblies for proportional representation. Such representation will send some assertive Dalit representatives to the legislatives unlike now they are defeated by non-Dalit votes.

Summary




To sum up , we all have to come forward to carry on a united struggle for removal of educational, economic and social inequality. Also, we have to propagate the argument of proportional representation for fair representation of all the sections of society. Such electoral reforms will pave the way for assertive Dalits and Adivasis to get elected to the legislatives rather the Chamcha(stooges) to represent them from the reserved seats. Progressive and Democratic section among the Non Dalits/Adivasis have to seriously take up such debates to build the demand for proportional representation to ensure fair representation of all the ideologies in the legislatives.

Wednesday, May 3, 2017

Marx’s Economic Doctrine



Contents






Version History

Version
Date
Comments
Draft
31-May-2012
Initial Draft
V0.1
18-May-2013
Updated Section  8. The accumulation of capital & Crisis







While celebrating Karl Marx’s 194th birthday (Marx born on May 5th 1818), I’d like to share some fundamental economic and social aspects of Marxist philosophy. In this article I’ve shared what I’ve read from a small book which consists of articles written by Lenin. Lenin is one of the best teachers of Marxism. I’ve given example with respect to IT industry ( will be updated, corrected by all our members). This article starts with economical doctrine of Marxism and touch upon the strategy and tactics to achieve socialism.

Fundamental  Understanding and Basic Questions

                  Everyone is working in order to produce products or provide services to other people and for themselves. What someone produces is changed with someone else produced. Marx’s economic theory is analyzing how is production is organized and exchange is arranged (of course in the capitalist system).

Marx’s Economic Doctrine

Lenin says, “Marx’s economic doctrine is the most profound, comprehensive and detailed confirmation and application of his theory”

1.    Use value


A commodity is, in the first place, a thing that satisfies a human want; in the second place, it is a thing that can be exchanged for another thing. The utility of a thing makes is a use-value.

A Software application has a use value. For example , word processor has a use value of editing a document for any purpose. Complier software has a use value of compiling a program written in high level language and generating a machine code.

2.    Exchange value


Exchange-value (or, simply, value), is first of all the ratio, the proportion, in which a certain number of use-values of one kind can be exchanged for a certain number of use-values of another kind.

We are practiced to mean always exchange value as value. That’s why Lenin too mention as Exchange-value (or, simply, value) in the above para !  5 word processors may be exchanged for 2 compilers.



3.    Social Division of Labor and Abstract Labor


What is there in common between these various things, things constantly equated with one another in a definite system of social relations? Their common feature is that they are products of labor. In exchanging products, people equate the most diverse kinds of labor. The production of commodities is a system of social relations in which individual producers create diverse products (the social division of labor), and in which all these products are equated with one another in the process of exchange. Consequently, what is common to all commodities is not the concrete labor of a definite branch of production, not labor of one particular kind, but abstract human labor—human labor in general.

When a company is producing a car, people from different areas are involved. Automobile engineers, interior designers, hardware and software engineers , men working in the assembly line etc. Everyone puts their labor. So car includes labor from all these people, a division of labor, what is called as social division of labor. When we measure a car against the labor it can’t of represented as x time of engineers labor, y time of men in assembly etc, but a total or general labor. We should NOT measure the labor independently since the labor is abstract(for our understanding we can say general or total, Marx refer this as abstract labor). We, the software and hardware engineers, are part of this very social division of labor in producing commodities for the society.

4.    Socially Necessary Labor Time


All the labor power of a given society, as represented in the sum total of the values of all commodities, is one and the same human labor power. Thousands upon thousands of millions of acts of exchange prove this. Consequently, each particular commodity represents only a certain share of the socially necessary labor time. The magnitude of value is determined by the amount of socially necessary labor, or by the labor time that is socially necessary for the production of a given commodity, of a given use-value.

                  Total labor spent in creating commodities for the entire society is defined as socially necessary labor. Please understand it plainly/simply, need NOT to think about exchange, profit, wage etc. Food grains, cereals, cloth, laptop, mobiles, shoes, etc are produced in million and million every day and total labor absorbed to produce it called socially necessary labor. Every men/women part of society put his/her labor to produce commodities for others and for themselves.  

Marx writes, “As values, all commodities are only definite masses of congealed labor time.”

Every person exchanges his labor for someone’s labor. Then what makes this process so complicated and why people are NOT able to comprehend this exchange of labor, answer is money. Money has become a general commodity.

As the highest product of the development of exchange and commodity production, money masks, conceals, the social character of all individual labor, the social link between individual producers united by the market. Marx analyzes the various functions of money in very great detail; it is important to note here in particular (as in the opening chapters of Capital in general) that what seems to be an abstract and at times purely deductive mode of exposition deals in reality with a gigantic collection of factual material on the history of the development of exchange and commodity production.

“If we consider money, its existence implies a definite stage in the exchange of commodities. The particular functions of money, which it performs either as the mere equivalent of commodities or as means of circulation, or means of payment, as hoard or as universal money, point, according to the extent and relative preponderance of the one function or the other, to very different stages in the process of social production.”, Marx.

5.    Surplus value and a holistic view


At a certain stage in the development of commodity production money becomes transformed into capital. The formula of commodity circulation was C-M-C (commodity—money—commodity)—i.e., the sale of one commodity for the purpose of buying another. The general formula of capital, on the contrary, is M-C-M—i.e., the purchase for the purpose of selling (at a profit).

The increase over the original value of the money  that is put into circulation is called by Marx surplus value(bold by me). The fact of this “growth” of money in capitalist circulation is common knowledge. Indeed, it is this “growth” which transforms money into capital, as a special and historically determined social relation of production(bold by me). Surplus value cannot arise out of commodity circulation, for the latter knows only the exchange of equivalents; neither can it arise out of price increases, for the mutual losses and gains of buyers and sellers would equalize one another, whereas what we have here in not an individual phenomenon but a mass, average and social phenomenon(bold by me). To obtain surplus value, the owner of money “must ... find... in the market a commodity, whose use-value possesses the peculiar property of being a source of value” [Capital]—a commodity whose process of consumption is at the same time a process of the creation of value. Such a commodity exists—human labor power. Its consumption is labor, and labor creates value. The owner of money buys labor power at its value, which, like the value of every other commodity, is determined by the socially necessary labor time requisite for its production (i.e., the cost of maintaining the worker and his family). Having bought enough labor power, the owner of money is entitled to use it, that is, to set it to work for a whole day—12 hours, let us say. Yet, in the course of six hours (“necessary” labor time) the worker creates product sufficient to cover the cost of his own maintenance; in the course of the next six hours (“surplus” labor time), he creates “surplus” product, or surplus value, for which the capitalist does not pay.

6.    Constant capital , variable capital and rate of surplus


Therefore, from the standpoint of the process of production, two parts must be distinguished in capital: constant capital, which is expended on means of production (machinery, tools, raw materials, etc.), whose value, without any change, is transferred (immediately or part by part) to the finished product; secondly, variable capital, which is expended on labor power. The value of this latter capital is not invariable, but grows in the labor process, creating surplus value(bold by me). Therefore, to express the degree of capital’s exploitation of labor power, surplus must be compared not with the entire capital but only with variable capital. Thus, in the example just given, the rate of surplus value, as Marx calls this ratio, will be 6:6, i.e., 100 per cent.

7.    Absolute surplus value and Relative surplus value


There are two main ways of increasing surplus value: lengthening the working day (“absolute surplus value”), and reducing the necessary working day (“relative surplus value”). In analyzing the former, Marx gives a most impressive picture of the struggle of the working class for a shorter working day and of interference by the state authority to lengthen the working day (from the 14th century to the 17th) and to reduce it (factory legislation in the 19th century).

IT employees working hours are NOT regulated despite there are polices regarding working hours in IT companies. Since IT industries comes under essential service its free from many labor laws. The working class fought for 8 hours working day and won it. Now people in IT are working more than 12 or 16 hours a day. Fighting individually will NOT work out as the capitalism as whole maintains ‘the reserved army’ of workers , the IT companies maintains internal ‘reserved army’, free poll , batch , buffer etc. Working 12 or 16 hours a day taking back them in the history NOT taking them forward. 

Analyzing the production of relative surplus value, Marx investigates the three fundamental historical stage in capitalism’s increase of the productivity of labor:
(1) simple co-operation;
(2) the division of labor, and manufacture;
(3) machinery and large-scale industry.

8.    The accumulation of capital & Crisis


To continue. New and important in the highest degree is Marx’s analysis of the accumulation of capital—i.e., the transformation of a part of surplus value into capital, and its use, not for satisfying the personal needs of whims of the capitalist, but for new production. Marx revealed the error made by all earlier classical political economists (beginning with Adam Smith), who assumed that the entire surplus value which is transformed into capital goes to form variable capital. In actual fact, it is divided into means of production and variable capital. Of tremendous importance to the process of development of capitalism and its transformation into socialism is the more rapid growth of the constant capital share (of the total capital) as compared with the variable capital share.

Here a question will rise automatically, when the capitalist expand his production, he should have new machines, new infrastructure etc. Anyway he needs people to work in it. So employing the people and expanding the means of production is mutually dependent. I too have this question, look for an answer.  Answer to the above question is dealt in Capital Vol 2 Part III, ‘The Reproduction and Circulation of the Aggregate Social Capital’. It deals with how much portion of the profit ( or surplus ) is converted into constant capital and how much into variable capital (ie wages) See Appendix B

One thing is clear, means of producing software applications is another software. We need compilers to develop applications, we need operating systems to install compilers. The OS and the compilers are master machines where the investment is one time(labor to upgrade is ignored here since it’s maintained by a community in free software case). There is human labor while writing applications using these master software   .Since the Free software make this mean of production itself free(valueless) it challenge the capitalist mode of production uprightly.

By speeding up the supplanting of workers by machinery and by creating wealth at one extreme and poverty at the other, the accumulation of capital also gives rise to what is called the “reserve army of labor”, to the “relative surplus” of workers, or “capitalist overpopulation”, which assumes the most diverse forms and enables capital to expand production extremely rapidly. 

< How it expands the production? Is it possible to expand the production without employing the people?  I too hear from my friends in a Western European country a steel industry producing multiple ton of steel plates in a day is employed by just 4 engineers. Need more analysis> 

In conjunction with credit facilities and the accumulation of capital in the form of means of production, this incidentally is the key to an understanding of the crises of overproduction which occur periodically in capitalist countries—at first at an average of every 10 years, and later at more lengthy and less definite intervals.


The “historical tendency of capitalist accumulation” is described by Marx in the following celebrated words:

“The expropriation of the immediate producers is accomplished with merciless vandalism, and under the stimulus of passions the most infamous, the most sordid, the pettiest, the most meanly odious. Self-earned private property [of the peasant and handicraftsman], that is based, so to say, on the fusing together of the isolated, independent laboring-individual with the conditions of his labor, is supplanted by capitalistic private property, which rests on exploitation of the nominally free labor of others.... That which is now to be expropriated is no longer the laborer working for himself, but the capitalist exploiting many laborers. This expropriation is accomplished by the action of the immanent laws of capitalistic production itself, by the centralization of capital. One capitalist always kills many. Hand in hand with this centralization, or this expropriation of many capitalists by few, develop, on an ever extending scale, the co-operative form of the labor process, the conscious technical application of science, the methodical cultivation of the soil, the transformation of the instruments of labor into instruments of labor only usable in common, the economizing of all means of production by their use as the means of production of combined, socialized labor, the entanglement of all people in the net of the world market, and with this the international character of the capitalistic regime. Along with the constantly diminishing number of the magnates of capital, who usurp and monopolize all advantages of this process of transformation, grows the mass of misery, oppression, slavery, degradation, exploitation; but with this too grows the revolt of the working class, a class always increasing in numbers, and disciplined, united, organized by the very mechanism of the process of capitalist production itself(bold be me). The monopoly of capital becomes a fetter upon the mode of production, which has sprung up and flourished along with, and under, it. Centralization of the means of production and socialization of labor at last reach a point where they become incompatible with their capitalist integument. The integument is burst asunder. The knell of capitalist private property sound. The expropriators are expropriated.” (Capital, Volume I)

9.    Holistic analysis & production of means of production


New and important in the highest degree is the analysis Marx gives, in Volume Two of Capital of the reproduction of aggregate social capital. Here, too, Marx deals, not with an individual phenomenon but with a mass phenomenon; not with a fractional part of the economy of society, but with that economy as a whole.

Correcting the aforementioned error of the classical economists, Marx divides the whole of social production into two big sections:
(I) production of the means of production, and
(II) production of articles of consumption,

In Free software too we deal with the software as means of production and software articles for consumption. How the software is produced determines the method how it’ll be consumed. < This can be expanded into full details by explaining the political economy of software>

average rate of profit, social economy as a whole & profit

Volume Three of Capital solves the problem of how the average rate of profit is formed on the basis of the law of value. This immense stride forward made by economic science in the person of Marx consists in his having conducted an analysis, from the standpoint of mass economic phenomena, of the social economy as a whole, not from the standpoint of individual cases or of the external and superficial aspects of competition, to which vulgar political economy and the modern “theory of marginal utility”( The Theory of Marginal Utility—An economic theory that originated in the 1870s to counteract Marx’s theory of value. According to this theory, the value of commodities is estimated by their usefulness and not the amount of social labor expended on their production) frequently restrict themselves. Marx first analyzes the origin of surplus value, and then goes on to consider its division into profit, interest, and ground rent. Profit is the ratio between surplus value and the total capital invested in an undertaking. Capital with a “high organic composition” (i.e., with a preponderance of constant capital over variable capital in excess of the social average) yields a rate of profit below the average; capital with a “low organic composition” yields a rate of profit above the average. Competition among capitalists, and their freedom to transfer their capital from one branch to another, will in both cases reduce the rate of profit to the average.

The sum total of the values of all the commodities in a given society coincides with the sum total of the prices of the commodities, but, in individual undertakings and branches of production, as a result of competition, commodities are sold not at their values at the prices of production (or production prices), which are equal to the capital expended plus the average profit.

< bolded text in the above para has to be discussed and expanded accordingly. My understanding is that when the a commodity ‘A’ is produced by putting together the commodities a1, a2 and a3 which are produced in the different braches prices of a1, a2 and a3 is NOT capital expended + the average profit. If so what determines the price (or exchange values of a1, a2 and a3) >

In this way, the well-known and indisputable fact of the divergence between prices and values and of the equalization of profits is fully explained by Marx on the basis of law of value, since the sum total of values of all commodities coincides with the sum total of prices. However, the equating of (social) value to (individual) prices does not take place simply and directly, but in a very complex way. It is quite natural that in a society of separate producers of commodities, who are united only by the market, a conformity to law can be only an average, social, mass manifestation, with individual deviations in either direction mutually compensating one another.

The above para has to be experienced by every worker rather understanding it! I feel it’s the epitome of Marx’s economic doctrine.

A rise in the productivity of labor implies a more rapid growth of constant capital as compared with variable capital. Inasmuch as surplus value is a function of variable capital alone, it is obvious that the rate of profit (the ratio of surplus value to the whole capital, not to its variable part alone) tends to fall. Marx makes a detailed analysis of this tendency and of a number of circumstances that conceal or counteract it. Without pausing to deal with the extremely interesting sections of Volume Three of Capital, Vol. I devoted to usurer’s capital, commercial capital and money capital, we must pass on to the most important section—the theory of ground rent.

Under capitalism, the “exploitation of the peasant differs only in form from the exploitation of the industrial proletariat. The exploiter is the same: capital. The individual capitalists exploit the individual peasant through mortgages and usury; the capitalist class exploits the peasant class through the state taxes.” [The Class Struggles in France]

BUT in India there is no tax for money earned through agriculture production for individual or farmers either big landlords or medium scale peasants or small peasants , capital in agriculture, rate of return in agriculture and agriculture in Indian conditions  etc have to be dealt in a separate tutorial. Prices of agricultural commodities, organic nature of agricultural labor their movement into Industry also will be included in a separate tutorial or can be added in the same tutorial.

Many of our comrades have a valid question something similar to why the people from middle class has considerable presence in the party and whether ‘complete’ working class should become revolutionaries to bring out the socialist revolution, I’d like to mention 2 sections one from Marxism and Revisionism by Lenin and second from The Marx-Engels Correspondence by Lenin.

[Marxism and Revisionism] Wherein lies its inevitability in capitalist society? Why is it more profound than the differences of national peculiarities and of degrees of capitalist development? Because in every capitalist country, side by side with the proletariat, there are always broad strata of the petty bourgeoisie, small proprietors. Capitalism arose and is constantly arising out of small production. A number of new “middle strata” are inevitably brought into existence again and again by capitalism (appendages to the factory, work at home, small workshops scattered all over the country to meet the requirements of big industries, such as the bicycle and automobile industries, etc.). These new small producers are just as inevitably being cast again into the ranks of the proletariat. It is quite natural that the petty-bourgeois world-outlook should again and again crop up in the ranks of the broad workers’ parties. It is quite natural that this should be so and always will be so, right up to the changes of fortune that will take place in the proletarian revolution. For it would be a profound mistake to think that the “complete” proletarianisation of the majority of the population is essential for bringing about such a revolution.



Appendix A


[The Marx-Engels Correspondence]

“Miracles are happening here in Elberfeld. Yesterday [this was written on February 22, 1845], we held our third communist meeting in the largest hall and the best restaurant of the city. The first meeting was attended by 40 people, the second by 130 and the third by at least 200. The whole of Elberfeld and Barmen, from the moneyed aristocracy to the small shopkeepers, was represented, all except the proletariat.” This is literally what Engels wrote. Everybody in Germany at that time was a Communist—except the proletariat. Communism was a form of expression of the opposition sentiments of all, and chiefly of the bourgeoisie. “The most stupid, the most lazy and most philistine people, who take no interest in anything in the world, are almost becoming enthusiastic over communism.”[5] The chief preachers of communism at that time were people of the type of our Narodniks, “Socialist-Revolutionaries”, “Popular Socialists”,[6] and so forth, that is to say, well-meaning bourgeois, some to a greater, others to a lesser degree, furious with the government.And under such conditions, amidst countless pseudo-socialist trends and factions, Engels was able to find his way to proletarian socialism, without fearing to break off relations with a mass of well-intentioned people, who were ardent revolutionaries but bad Communists.



Appendix B





Process of reproduction and how surplus is divided as constant and variable capital can be easily understood by reading a letter from Marx to Engels dated 6th July 1863 in which the above table is also attached.


Saturday, February 18, 2017

Communists on Racial Question - Part 1


Communists on Racial Question :

Black/ Africo American question was a burning issue in 1920 itself among the Communists. Com. John Reed, a white, exposed the Communists to the Communist International(CI). John said that Africo Americans were NOT allowed in the labor unions and party propaganda was banned among the blacks. In July 1928 , 6th Congress of CI taken the race question seriously. CI set up a Negro Commission as sub committee of colonial commission. It’d 32 delegates from 18 countries including India. 7 delegates are from the USA, 5 Africo Americans and 2 whites. Com. Harry Haywood , a delegate, a black man, trained in Communist University of the Toilers of the East better known as Stalin school. It's vey interesting that in 1920s a black man was trained in such political school.

This discussion focused on question self-determination. Fierce discussion on whether Africo-Americans are ‘racial minority’ or ‘oppressed national minority’. Discusssion continued on , is it correct to fit the Africo Amreican question into a simplistic framework of ‘pure proletarian class struggle’. The counter argument is the interests of the Blacks and the white peasants are the same and other side ‘play into the hands of bourgeoisie by arresting the revolutionary class movement of the Black masses and further widening the gulf between the white and similar oppressed groups’. It’s responded with that self determination as struggle attacking the very foundation of American imperialism, an integral part of the struggle of the American working class as a whole. Harry questioned his opponents that how the struggle of Blacks was NOT of itself revolutionary and that it only becomes so when they (the Blacks) fight directly for socialism? It’s interesting that the group is not divided on race lines despite they were discussing the race question, means either side has comrades with mixed races! At one-point Com. Harry lamented to another fellow comrade from Ukraine that how Blacks comrades are NOT understanding his position of self determination.

CI's direction taken seriously by the leadership. The new line committed to the party to champion the Black struggle for “complete and real equality … for the abolition of all kids of racial , social and political inequalities”. It called for an “energetic struggle against any exhibition of white chauvinism” and for “active resistance to lynching”. Also the CI has stressed the need for Black revolutionary workers to resist “petty bourgeois nationalist tendencies”. The CI called upon the CPUSA to “strengthen its work among Negro proletariats,” drawing into its ranks the most conscious elements. It was also to fight for the acceptance of Black workers into unions and allow them t form separate union when necessary. And finally on self determination,

“ In those regions of the south in which compact Negro masses are living , its essential to put forward the slogan of the Right of the Self determination … Negro communists must explain to the Negro workers and peasants that only their close union with their white proletariat and joint struggle with them against the American bourgeoisie can lead to their liberation from barbarous exploitation , and that only the victorious proletarian revolution will completely and permanently solve the agrarian and national question of the Southern United States in the interests of the overwhelming majority of the Negro population of the country”

Com. Harry was PB member between 1931 and 38, he led many inner party struggles on race question. Com. Harry was expelled from the Party by pro Khrushchev's faction after Stalin's death , still he's work is guiding principle. Public trial of August Yoking and organizing Scottsboro boys are land mark movement in the history of race question in the USA during his time. It's NOT only Harry there are bunch of AfAms in the party cadre and leadership like Bayard Rustin et al. W.E.B. Du Bois joined Socialist Party of America and victim of McCarthyism and many more.

Com. Harry writes , "The Negro masses, once the allies of the Northern bourgeoisie (during the Civil War and Reconstruction), have now become the allies of the proletariat. In their struggle for national liberation these masses constitute an important part of the army of the revolutionary proletariat in the struggle for the overthrow of American capitalism. Hence, the victory of the proletarian revolution in the United States and the struggle of the Negro masses for national liberation demand the consummation of a united fighting front of the white toilers and the Negro people against the common enemy, — American imperialism. Such a united front can only be effective on the basis of direct and effective support by the white working class (as the working class of the oppressor nation) to the efforts of the Negro masses to free themselves from the imperialist yoke."

Continue ...


I used the N word from the original quote.